The Economic Perspective
In
the previous section, you were asked to think about the
ways government influences your life each day. From a
purely practical perspective, people have come to rely
on government to provide a wide range of services. An
economist, however, would likely argue that simply because
people rely on the government for particular services
does not mean that the government is the best provider
of those services.
Indeed,
the American political tradition is deeply rooted in
the notion that government should do as little as possible,
especially when it comes to regulating the economy. So
profound was this belief that for much of the 19th Century laissez
faire was the most popular economic doctrine in the
land. In short, the notion of laissez faire meant
that the government should keep its hands out of the
economy unless it was absolutely necessary to intervene
in order to protect life or property. Under this doctrine,
government regulation of wages or prices or any form
of income redistribution (such as welfare) were considered
inappropriate, even morally wrong because leaving the
economy alone, proponents of the doctrine maintained,
would produce the greatest levels of prosperity and happiness
possible.
Adam
Smith and the Free Market
This
hands-off view of government was championed by Scottish
economist Adam Smith in The Wealth of Nations,
written in 1776.1 Smith
argued that as people interacted in a largely unregulated
economy, the pursuit of self interest at the individual
level would produce favorable results at the societal
level. Smith wrote that, each individual pursuing his
or her own interests,
.
. . intends only his own gain, and he is in this
case, as in many other cases, led by an invisible
hand to promote an end which was no part of his
intention. Nor is it always the worse for society
that it was no part of it. By pursuing his own interest
he frequently promotes that of the society more effectually
than when he really intends to promote it. (emphasis
added)
In
other words, Smith believed that the "invisible hand" of
the free market economy would promote the common good
more effectively through the actions of a selfish, profit-maximizing
individual than it would from an individual who gave
exorbitantly to charity. An individual who maximizes
the amount of money in his or her own bank account, the
theory went, would contribute to the good of society
by expanding its wealth, providing wanted goods and services,
creating jobs and spending money. Indeed, even rigid
rules protecting employees, i.e. laws that are supportive
of strong labor unions, are generally perceived in the
United States as detrimental to the economy. Some have
even given credit for the current booming economy to
Ronald Reagan's busting of the Air Traffic Controllers
strike in the early 1980s and the decline of labor union
strength that followed.2
Charitable Giving in the U.S.
It is difficult to accurately measure the total amount of charitable
giving in the United States. Many gifts and donations are anonymous and
are not reported by the giver or the recipient. By using some of the numbers
that are available, we can, however, establish minimum estimates
of charitable giving. For example, in 2004, people who filed tax returns
claimed $166.2 billion in charitable contribution deductions. These reported
contributions represent 2.7% of all taxable income reported in
2004. However, because only 35% of all taxpayers itemized their deductions, a large number
of contributions are not included in this figure. The National Center for Charitable Statistics estimates that individuals made charitable contributions totaling $187.9
billion in 2004. They also estimate that corporations
and other for-profit organizations gave another $60.6 billion to charity
in 2004.
In addition to cash or property contributions, Americans are also generous
with their time. The Independent Sector, a leadership forum for charities
and non-profit giving, estimates that nearly 84 million adults (44% of
the adult population) volunteered time in 2000. 15.5 billion hours of service
were given, at an estimated labor value of $239 billion.
Sources: "Individual
Income Tax Returns, 2002," Internal Revenue
Service; "U.S. charitable giving reaches $295.02 billion in 2006," GivingUSA; "Giving & Volunteering in the United States," The Independent Sector.
However,
in both Smith's times and today, profit maximization is often perceived
as greed while philanthropy is perceived as the more noble use of one's
money. When Ted Turner announced
in 1997 that he
was giving one
billion dollars to the United Nations, for example, his name and
face were on the front page of every newspaper and at the top of every
news program. Those of Adam Smith's persuasion might argue, though,
that Turner's real contribution to the "wealth of nations" was not
his gift to the UN, but his leadership over the creation of a multi-billion
dollar empire which has included at one time or another the Turner
Broadcasting System (TBS), the Cable News Network (CNN), MGN/UA, the
Cartoon Network and the Goodwill Games. Similar claims could be made about other billionaires who have made "megacontributions" of their own. Bill Gates has contributed more than $28 billion of his own money to the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, which focuses on alleviating health and education problems around the globe. Warren Buffet has publicly committed to giving another $31 billion to the foundation over the next several years. Such massive contributions will undoubtedly make an impact on the problems at which they are targeted.
Nonetheless,
it was self-interest and not charity on which Smith based his best
hopes for society. In logic stunningly similar to James Madison's in The
Federalist No. 10, Smith argued that persons holding government
positions could not always be counted on to act in the public interest.
It was better, then, to trust in something more enduring: self-interest.
So, Do We Need Government?
If
we accept Smith's views, the kind of government we need is a very limited
one indeed. Is our government too large? Does it produce inefficient
outcomes in the economy that limit our prosperity? Public opinion is
mixed on government's role in the American economy today. In a Pew
Research Center poll, 81% of those surveyed believed that the free
enterprise system is a "major reason that America has been so successful
in this century." 76% of those surveyed agreed that the "strength of
this country today is mostly based on the success of American business" and
89% said that they "admire people who get rich by working hard."3
In
contrast, the same survey suggests that Americans are ambivalent, if
not supportive, of many forms of regulation and government intervention
in the economy. 55% agree that "people should be willing to pay higher
prices in order to protect the environment" and 61% believe that "it
is the responsibility of the government to take care of people who
can't take care of themselves." Similarly large numbers of Americans
are suspicious of large corporations with 73% indicating that "there
is too much power concentrated in the hands of a few big companies" and
58% believing that "business corporations make too much profit."
So
how do we reconcile these seemingly conflicting opinions with Smith's
views and the current level of government intervention in the United
States economy? Is there an economic justification for the current
extent of government activity?
While
the average observer might peruse a list of government incursions into
the economy and conclude that the exceptions we have made to the laissez
faire model are all but random, economists have formalized the
exceptions to the rule by identifying six circumstances under which
government intervention is justified:
- monopolies
- the under-provision of public goods
- externalities
- incomplete markets
- information shortages
- high unemployment and inflation rates.
In
these six circumstances, economists maintain that the free market economy
fails to provide the most efficient results for society. Consequently, government
intervention in the economy is not only justified but essential to the public
good. More
about market failures, including definitions and examples of the six types.
Non-Market Failure and Government Intervention
Barring
market failure, is there any justification for governmental
intervention in the economy? Some economists would
say no--as long as the market is functioning properly
it should be left alone. However, there are economic
reasons other than market failure that might justify
the government's involvement in the economy. Even when
the market operates efficiently, there are huge disparities
in the distribution of wealth and income in the United
States. One of the most significant undertakings of
the federal government is the redistribution of income
and wealth through programs such as welfare and Medicaid.3 These
programs which benefit the poor are paid for by the
wealthy. Some people believe that these policies are
unfair, depriving wealthy taxpayers of the the money
they have earned through their hard work and good fortune.
Others maintain that those who are wealthy are wealthy
at least in part because they live in a free society
which allowed them to pursue their wealth. Part of
their "costs" of obtaining wealth, then, should be
supporting the society in which they live with taxes.
Public opinion on income redistribution is mixed. While
79% of those surveyed in the Pew Research Center poll
cited above agreed that "poor people have become too
dependent on government assistance programs," 61% believe
that it is the responsibility of the government to
take care of people who can't take care of themselves."4
Tax
policies and the redistribution are discussed in greater
detail later in "Social
Policy" and "Economic
Policy."
A
final possible economic justification for intervention
in the economy is that the market assumes that people
will behave rationally, that they will make decisions
and choices that promote their own interests. However,
there are some people who make decisions that may be
contrary to their own interests. For example, driving
a car without a seatbelt or riding a motorcycle without
a helmet is dangerous, but people persist in engaging
in these activities. Other dangerous behaviors include
drug use and driving a car without insurance. Partly
because political leaders want to "protect" people from
themselves and partly because these dangerous behaviors
often do economic and bodily harm to other people, the
government requires people to do such things as wear
seatbelts and helmets and carry liability insurance on
their automobiles. Drug use is illegal. While most people
accept such laws as reasonable limits on their freedom,
some people believe that placing such restrictions on
individual behavior is an example of government overstepping
its bounds. The regulation of dangerous or "bad" behavior
is discussed in greater detail in "Social
Policy."
NOTES
1.
Smith, Adam. 1937. The Wealth of Nations. New York: Modern Library.
(First published in 1776.)
2. Thomas L. Friedman, "An American
in Paris," The New York Times, 20 August 1999.
Web Edition-Op-Ed.
3. The Pew Research Center. 1999 Millennium
Survey.
4. Ibid.